-D\u00ebshp\u00ebrimi i Lub\u00e7o Georgievskit dhe ngaz\u00ebllimi i Arb\u00ebr Xhaferit, para 20 vjet\u00ebsh, jan\u00eb dy k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime me ngjyrime etnike ndaj Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit, q\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb diskurs emotiv si para, ashtu dhe pas saj. Madje, dhe nj\u00eb keqkuptim i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm n\u00eb leximin e saj, ku pala maqedonase gjithnj\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet ta shoh\u00eb korniz\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa pala shqiptare at\u00eb sa m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, si burim i t\u00eb drejtave\u2026 Secila pal\u00eb duke e t\u00ebrhequr litarin n\u00eb an\u00ebn e vet!<\/p>\n
Shkruan: Daut DAUTI<\/p>\n
Shum\u00ebkujt do t\u2019i ket\u00eb mbetur n\u00eb kujtes\u00eb \u201cincidenti\u201d (jo)diplomatik i Arb\u00ebr Xhaferit m\u00eb 13 gusht 2001, i cili pasi vuri n\u00ebnshkrimin para leht\u00ebsuesve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, kur erdhi radha p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrsh\u00ebndetur Marr\u00ebveshjen Korniz\u00eb, s\u00eb pari foli shqip. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb do ta kujtojm\u00eb fytyr\u00ebn e m\u00ebrdhezur t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruesit tjet\u00ebr, Lub\u00e7o Georgievski, q\u00eb e p\u00ebrcolli hidh\u00ebt k\u00ebt\u00eb \u201cdiversion\u201d t\u00eb papritur p\u00ebr t\u00eb. \u201cB\u00ebn\u00ebm Zot \u00ebnd\u00ebrr!\u201d, ndoshta do t\u00eb ket\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb vete, \u201cm\u00eb thuaj q\u00eb kjo nuk ndodh p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend!\u201d
\nPor, jo, gjith\u00e7ka ishte p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend. Arb\u00ebr Xhaferi, lideri i PPDSH-s\u00eb, e gjeti momentin q\u00eb para publikut t\u00eb vendit dhe atij nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb se me Marr\u00ebveshjen Korniz\u00eb, prej asaj dite fillon nj\u00eb epok\u00eb e re p\u00ebr Maqedonin\u00eb ose, m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, nj\u00eb realitet i ri dhe se shqiptar\u00ebt dhe gjuha e tyre po e fitojn\u00eb pesh\u00ebn q\u00eb s\u2019e kishin m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n
1.\tShija e hidhur e Marr\u00ebveshjes<\/p>\n
N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, ajo pamje dramatike pas n\u00ebnshkrimit, nj\u00eb shok mental, ose nj\u00eb thyerje p\u00ebrbrenda, ishte vet\u00ebm vijim i ngjarjeve dramatike q\u00eb soll\u00ebn marr\u00ebveshjen, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nj\u00ebra pal\u00eb nuk e deshi, por ishte e detyruar ta n\u00ebnshkruaj\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa tjetra po ashtu deshi m\u00eb shum\u00eb, por po ashtu ishte e detyruar ta n\u00ebnshkruaj\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb situat\u00ebs dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb konfliktit.
\nD\u00ebshp\u00ebrimi i Lub\u00e7o Georgievskit dhe ngaz\u00ebllimi i Arb\u00ebr Xhaferit, para 20 vjet\u00ebsh, jan\u00eb dy k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime me ngjyrime etnike ndaj Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit, q\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb diskurs emotiv si para, ashtu dhe pas saj. Madje, dhe nj\u00eb keqkuptim i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm n\u00eb leximin e saj, ku pala maqedonase gjithnj\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet ta shoh\u00eb korniz\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa pala shqiptare at\u00eb sa m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, si burim i t\u00eb drejtave\u2026
\nSi rezultat i k\u00ebtyre k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimeve, q\u00eb n\u00eb hapin e par\u00eb iu b\u00eb diversioni nga vet\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruesit! Q\u00eb n\u00eb vjesht\u00ebn e vitit 2001, pasi U\u00c7K-ja kishte shpallur (madje para kohe) fundin e dor\u00ebzimit t\u00eb arm\u00ebve(\u201e\u0436\u0435\u0442\u0432\u0430\u201c\/\u201ckorrja\u201d), pasoi rebelimi i deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb VMRO-DPMNE-s\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk pajtoheshin q\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshja Korniz\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pjes\u00eb e kushtetut\u00ebs ashtu si\u00e7 kishin r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb ujdi Presidenti Boris Trajkovski dhe lider\u00ebt e partive parlamentare, Lub\u00e7o Georgievski, Branko C\u00ebrvenkovski, Imer Imeri dhe Arb\u00ebr Xhaferi. Me presionin e deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb VMRO-s\u00eb u b\u00eb korrigjimi i par\u00eb i marr\u00ebveshjes n\u00eb pikat q\u00eb u p\u00ebrkisnin bashk\u00ebsive fetare dhe terminologjis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr kategorit\u00eb etnike, duke shprehur jokonsekuenc\u00ebn ndaj detyrimeve q\u00eb kishte marr\u00eb shteti p\u00ebr implementimin e saj.
\nDy dekada implementim (shum\u00eb nga pikat e marr\u00ebveshjes i kan\u00eb thyer afatet e parapara), kan\u00eb qen\u00eb periudh\u00eb e thyerjes s\u00eb barrierave psikologjike dhe \u201cadaptim\u201d shoq\u00ebror (!), q\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe, sidomos, p\u00ebr subjektet politike ka qen\u00eb tejet frustrues. Gj\u00ebja e par\u00eb q\u00eb s\u2019ia falin Marr\u00ebveshjes Korniz\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pse kjo ndodhi n\u00ebn diktatin \u201ce terrorist\u00ebve t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb\u201d ose, madje, dhe me \u201cagresion nga Kosova\u201d t\u00eb kombinuar me \u201ckomplot nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u201d\u2026 Ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb shum\u00eb shkrime konfliktin e kam cil\u00ebsuar si nj\u00eb \u201cbarazim\u201d lufte (p\u00ebraf\u00ebrsisht num\u00ebr i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb viktimash nga t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt, mosshkarje n\u00eb luft\u00eb civile\u2026), disa qarqe maqedonase kan\u00eb vazhduar ta trajtojn\u00eb si humbje edhe ushtarake edhe politike p\u00ebrderisa ishin t\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruajn\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje n\u00ebn presion. Ndoshta ata kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. V\u00ebrtet, Maqedonia ishte humb\u00ebse, por jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb konfliktin, por m\u00eb tep\u00ebr n\u00eb politikat e gabuara q\u00eb e soll\u00ebn 2001-shin\u2026
\nN\u00eb fillim m\u00eb i frustruari prej t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve doemos ka qen\u00eb kryeministri Lub\u00e7o Georgievski, i cili ndihej i tradhtuar si nga partneri i koalicionit, PPDSH-ja (lideri i saj, bashk\u00eb me kryetarin e PPD-s\u00eb, Imer Imeri e n\u00ebnshkroi Deklarat\u00ebn e Prizrenit me liderin e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb, Ali Ahmeti), si nga shqiptar\u00ebt, e t\u00eb mos flasim p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt. Sepse, edhe pse me fillet tejet nacionaliste n\u00eb karrier\u00ebn politike, ai m\u00eb von\u00eb u mbush me mend dhe n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur ishte n\u00eb qeveri me nj\u00eb parti shqiptare (nga 1998-ta), b\u00ebri hapa t\u00eb par\u00eb fleksibil\u00eb ndaj k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve (si\u00e7 ishte themelimi i Universitetit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn shqipe si universitet privat), rritje p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve kundrejt periudh\u00ebs tet\u00ebvje\u00e7are t\u00eb kaluar), ndaj konflikti q\u00eb ndodhi gjat\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb tij ishte shokues p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Sepse, ai as n\u00eb \u00ebndrr\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb keqe nuk e ka menduar se do t\u2019i ndodhte konflikti i vitit 2001, kur ai n\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh qe i gatsh\u00ebm, madje, edhe t\u00eb hyj\u00eb n\u00eb kombinime p\u00ebr k\u00ebmbim territoresh.<\/p>\n
Por, ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi. T\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar ose t\u00eb pavullnetsh\u00ebm do t\u00eb jen\u00eb edhe bashk\u00ebpartiak\u00ebt e tij. \u201cE kemi n\u00ebnshkruar Marr\u00ebveshjen e Ohrit, do ta respektojm\u00eb at\u00eb, do t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbushim detyrimet q\u00eb dalin prej saj, por mos prisni q\u00eb t\u00eb ngaz\u00ebllehemi me t\u00eb!\u201d K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebraf\u00ebrsisht \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehur trash\u00ebgimtari i Georgievskit, n\u00eb krye t\u00eb VMRO-DPMNE-s\u00eb, Nikolla Gruevski. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, haptas ose n\u00eb intimen e thell\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7do politikani maqedonas, pavar\u00ebsisht ngjyrave partiake, ky q\u00ebndrim i Gruevskit mund ta p\u00ebrshkruaj\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri se si nj\u00eb maqedonas e shikon Marr\u00ebveshjen Korniz\u00eb. Po, v\u00ebrtet ajo nd\u00ebrpreu luft\u00ebn, por nuk duam ta kujtojm\u00eb se si u arrit ajo! Edhe p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshjeje, si bie fjala profesoresha Mirjana Naj\u00e7evska, \u00ebsht\u00eb deklaruar se e ka p\u00ebrkrahur Marr\u00ebveshja Korniz\u00eb, pasi e ka mbyllur konfliktin, porse ajo nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb burim i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs! Paramendojeni k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb, t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsh nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje, e cila ka pika q\u00eb si obligime i merr shteti, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb ndryshimet kushtetuese, e t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb burim i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs! Di\u00e7ka nuk shkon me logjik\u00ebn\u2026
\nPeriudha pas vitit 2001 krijoi dhe nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike. Pjesa m\u00eb e madhe udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb e themeluan nj\u00eb subjekt politik, i cili do t\u00eb dominoj\u00eb p\u00ebr dy dekada rresht. Ky realitet i ri te shqiptar\u00ebt rezultoi me krijimin e dy poleve oponent\u00eb, BDI-PDSH, ku nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb vend p\u00ebr partin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, PPD-n\u00eb, sepse duke krijuar imazhin e nj\u00eb partie t\u00eb moderuar, BDI-ja e zuri hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e PPD-s\u00eb, e cila kundejt PPDSH-s\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb ishte konsideruar si e moderuar, kurse PDSH-ja q\u00ebndroi n\u00eb ekstremin tjet\u00ebr. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb theksohet, sepse duke u fshir\u00eb nga skena politike, PPD-s\u00eb m\u00eb nuk do t\u2019i d\u00ebgjohet z\u00ebri sa i p\u00ebrket implementimit t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes Korniz\u00eb (z\u00ebrat individual\u00eb nuk llogariten e as z\u00ebrat e k\u00ebsaj partie t\u00eb strehuar nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb n\u00eb partit\u00eb tjera, ku do t\u2019i bien telit t\u00eb partive t\u00eb reja) dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u \u00e7uditur se n\u00eb paraqitjet publike, n\u00ebnshkruesja e fundit, PDSH-ja do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet mjaft kritike, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb vonimit t\u00eb implementimit, por madje edhe p\u00ebr zgjidhjet bazike t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit. E mbetur pa pushtet dhe pa mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb ta jet\u00ebsoj\u00eb at\u00eb, hapi i saj i ardhsh\u00ebm ka qen\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb rreshtohet me kritikuesit.
\nK\u00ebshtu, paradoksalisht, hise p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur dhe p\u00ebr ta implementuar i ra partis\u00eb e cila nuk qe n\u00ebnshkruese e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb, edhe pse n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb indirekte, ajo qe arritur edhe me aminin, nga malet, t\u00eb liderit t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb dhe tash t\u00eb Bashkimit Demokratik p\u00ebr Integrim, Ali Ahmetit. N\u00eb bllokun maqedonas, partia e cila n\u00eb fillim ishte m\u00eb konsekuente n\u00eb zbatimin e detyrimeve q\u00eb dol\u00ebn nga Marr\u00ebveshja, LSDM-ja, pik\u00ebrisht fal\u00eb implementimit, mbeti pa pushtet q\u00eb nga viti 2006 gjer n\u00eb vitin 2017. Kjo flet se si opinioni maqedonas nuk e ka par\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjen e Ohrit si mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb paqes dhe kohezionit shoq\u00ebror. E, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, implementimi Marr\u00ebveshjes i mbeti partis\u00eb VMRO-DPMNE, q\u00eb pa vullnet e b\u00ebnte, bashk\u00eb me BDI-n\u00eb jo n\u00ebnshkruese. BDI-ja, praktikisht, i mori edhe meritat, por asaj iu adresuan edhe kritikat p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vonesa n\u00eb implementimin e pikave t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes ose dhe t\u00eb implementimit jo t\u00eb plot\u00eb, por s\u00eb fundi, edhe merita p\u00ebr implementim \u201cp\u00ebrtej Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit\u201d<\/p>\n
2.\tBeteja p\u00ebr gjuh\u00ebn<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb nga \u00e7\u00ebshtjet ky\u00e7e t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit ishte ngritja e nivelit t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimit zyrtar t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs shqipe. Q\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebn 1.3. parashihet q\u00eb \u201ekarakteri multietnik i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb maqedonase t\u00eb reflektohet n\u00eb jet\u00ebn publike\u201d ose n\u00eb pik\u00ebn 1.4. theksohet se nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri bashk\u00ebkohore demokratike \u201cn\u00eb rrug\u00ebtimin e natyrsh\u00ebm t\u00eb zhvillimit dhe pjekuris\u00eb s\u00eb vet, duhet patjet\u00ebr q\u00eb kushtetuta e saj t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb vazhdimisht t\u2019i plot\u00ebsoj\u00eb nevojat e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb harmoni me standardet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb cilat edhe vet\u00eb zhvillohen vazhdimisht.\u201d Me k\u00ebto pika hetohet tendenca q\u00eb t\u00eb krijohen baza p\u00ebr multietnicitet n\u00eb jet\u00ebn publike, ku gjithsesi do t\u00eb z\u00eb vend gjuha.
\nMarr\u00ebveshja e Ohrit \u00ebsht\u00eb kompromis midis k\u00ebrkesave \u201cmaksimaliste\u201d t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve dhe q\u00ebndrimeve rigjide shum\u00ebvje\u00e7are t\u00eb subjekteve maqedonase dhe p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb situat\u00ebs s\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb dit\u00ebt kur po zhvilloheshin bisedimet n\u00eb Oh\u00ebr. Pik\u00ebrisht atyre dit\u00ebve ndodhi vrasja n\u00eb gjum\u00eb e disa pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb lagje t\u00eb Gazi Bab\u00ebs (nj\u00eb aventuriz\u00ebm i rreziksh\u00ebm i ministrit t\u00eb at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Brendshme, Lube Boshkovski, q\u00eb do t\u00eb marr\u00eb shum\u00eb viktima t\u00eb panevojshme), pastaj ndodhi Karpall\u00ebku, Stanet e Lubetenit dhe, n\u00eb fund, vrasja e dhjet\u00eb civil\u00ebve n\u00eb fshatin Lubeten\u2026 N\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb, pala maqedonase e kishte humbur vullnetin t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb bisedat p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshjen politike dhe leht\u00ebsuesit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb ishin munduar ta shp\u00ebtojn\u00eb procesin dhe i kishin detyruar p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit politik\u00eb q\u00eb ta n\u00ebnshkruajn\u00eb at\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn kishin r\u00ebn\u00eb dakord deri at\u00ebher\u00eb, andaj ka gj\u00ebra q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishin konkretizuar m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, gj\u00ebra t\u00eb cilat nuk do t\u00eb lenin q\u00eb disa pika t\u00eb lexohen kujt si t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjet.<\/p>\n
Por, gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb defekt n\u00eb \u201ctajming\u201d, Marr\u00ebveshja e Ohrit e ngriti duksh\u00ebm statusin e shqiptar\u00ebve. Ajo e futi mekanizmin e vendosjes konsensuale p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet q\u00eb i p\u00ebrkasin kultur\u00ebs, p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebve e simboleve, duke k\u00ebrkuar miratim me dy t\u00eb tretat e votave dhe me pajtim t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb bashk\u00ebsive jo shumic\u00eb (e a.q. \u201cshumic\u00eb e Badenterit\u201d, e cila n\u00eb praktik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur shum\u00eb pak). U zgjidh problemi i arsimit superior n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn shqipe, jo si\u00e7 e thekson Branko C\u00ebrvenkovski me vullnetin e tij, por si pjes\u00eb e Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit (n\u00eb kaptin\u00ebn 6.) sepse n\u00eb pik\u00ebn 6.1 do t\u00eb shkruaj\u00eb: \u201cFinancimi nga ana e shtetit do t\u00eb sigurohet p\u00ebr arsimin e lart\u00eb n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebt q\u00eb e flasin t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 20 p\u00ebr qind e popullat\u00ebs, n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta\u201d. Edhe \u00e7\u00ebshtja tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb e kontestuese, ajo e gjuh\u00ebs shqipe, do t\u00eb ngrihet duksh\u00ebm, pothuajse do t\u00eb barazohet me maqedonishten. N\u00eb pik\u00ebn 6.4. p\u00ebr gjuh\u00ebn maqedonase do t\u00eb thuhet: \u201cN\u00eb gjith\u00eb territorin e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb dhe n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, gjuh\u00eb zyrtare \u00ebsht\u00eb gjuha maqedonase \u201c, kurse n\u00eb pik\u00ebn 6.5. parashihet p\u00ebrdorimi i gjuh\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr zyrtare: \u201cCilado gjuh\u00eb q\u00eb e flasin t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 20% e popullat\u00ebs, po ashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb zyrtare, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb elaboaruar n\u00eb aneksin B\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kapitull, kuptohet, jan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb fushat ku do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret, q\u00eb nga pushteti lokal e deri te gjyq\u00ebsia apo dokumentet personale.
\nN\u00ebse lexohet m\u00eb sip\u00ebr, ka edhe barazim t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimit zyrtar, por ka edhe kusht\u00ebzime. Kjo materie do t\u00eb futet n\u00eb nenin 7 t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs dhe periudha pas votimit t\u00eb amendamenteve (n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2001), do t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebrplot kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnie dhe interpretime t\u00eb ndryshme, q\u00eb si rezultat do t\u00eb ket\u00eb miratimin, madje, t\u00eb tri ligjeve p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorimin e gjuh\u00ebve! \u00c7doher\u00eb duke u ngjitur n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb shkall\u00eb m\u00eb lart\u00eb, por t\u00eb pamjaftuesh\u00ebm dhe me zgjidhje gjysmake. Shembulli m\u00eb ilustrativ i jo plot\u00ebnis\u00eb s\u00eb zgjidhjeve ligjore mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimi i gjuh\u00ebs shqipe n\u00eb parlament n\u00eb vitet e para pas 2001-shit. Me rregulloren e Kuvendit parashihej nj\u00eb situat\u00eb absurde q\u00eb deputet\u00ebt mund t\u00eb diskutonin shqip, por n\u00ebse ishin n\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit t\u00eb mbledhjes ose t\u00eb komisioneve, k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb nuk e kishin. Interpretim i \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm! Po ashtu n\u00eb ekzekutiv nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej hapi p\u00ebr ta futur n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim shqipen, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb mbledhjet e qeveris\u00eb, por edhe n\u00eb konferenc\u00eb shtypi po t\u00eb fliste ndonj\u00eb minist\u00ebr shqip, mediat do ta trajtonin si skandal. Tjetra situat\u00eb absurde ishte p\u00ebrdorimi i shqipes n\u00eb shtrirje horizontale: mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorej n\u00eb \u00e7do komun\u00eb, q\u00eb nga organet komunale e gjer n\u00eb mbishkrime, rrug\u00eb, por jo dhe n\u00eb rrug\u00ebt magjistrale t\u00eb \u201catarit\u201d t\u00eb komunave ose, bie fjala, n\u00eb Shkup, n\u00eb rrug\u00ebt e \u00c7airit ose Butelit po, por jo ato t\u00eb komunave t\u00eb tjera ku shqiptar\u00ebt nuk ishin 20 p\u00ebr qind, edhe pse Shkupi si nj\u00ebsi administrative tashm\u00eb e kishte plot\u00ebsuar kushtin ligjor dhe kushtetues p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb!
\nPas dy ligjesh jo t\u00eb plot\u00eb, m\u00eb 11 janar 2018, Kuvendi e votoi ligjin e tret\u00eb brenda dy dekadash pas Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit, ligjin i cili pa dyshim e afroi gjuh\u00ebn shqipe pran\u00eb maqedonishtes n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin zyrtar, i cili tash hyri n\u00eb ekzekutiv dhe n\u00eb \u00e7do institucion publik, gj\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb merrej me mend! P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, t\u00eb gjitha subjektet shqiptare q\u00ebndruan bashk\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim (arritur m\u00eb her\u00ebt me Deklarat\u00ebn e Tiran\u00ebs, e pastaj edhe n\u00eb Kuvend). P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ky ligj mund\u00ebsoi krijimin e dy institucioneve q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrkujdeseshin p\u00ebr cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e gjuh\u00ebs (Agjencia e Zbatimit t\u00eb Gjuh\u00ebs) dhe respektimin e implementimit t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebve (Inspektorati i Gjuh\u00ebs). Meq\u00eb t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto institucione kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim para s\u00eb gjithash t\u00eb kujdesen se si p\u00ebrdoret shqipja, krijojn\u00eb iluzionin sikur shqipja tash \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mbrojtur instiucionalisht se vet\u00eb maqedonishtja!
\nSido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, ajo q\u00eb e kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb me \u201cprovokimin\u201d e vet Arb\u00ebr Xhaferi m\u00eb 13 gusht 2001, duke folur shqip, tash u b\u00eb realitet, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin me vullnet apo pa t\u00eb, dal\u00ebngadal\u00eb po m\u00ebsohen edhe ata q\u00eb me vite e kan\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar \u00e7do avancim t\u00eb shqipes. Ai realitet i m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb i pakrahasuesh\u00ebm me k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb tashmin. M\u00eb par\u00eb nj\u00eb em\u00ebr spitali t\u00eb shqiptares N\u00ebna Terez\u00eb nuk mund ta shkruaje n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e saj amtare, e tash kjo gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e padiskutueshme n\u00eb mbar\u00eb territorin e Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut dhe n\u00eb gjith\u00eb administrat\u00ebn shtet\u00ebrore e lokale. Kuptohet se dy-tri vite nga ky ligj jan\u00eb periudh\u00eb e shkurt\u00ebr q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha institucionet, organet, drejtorit\u00eb, agjencit\u00eb, ministrit\u00eb, komunat, udh\u00ebt\u2026 ta ken\u00eb arritur form\u00ebn dhe cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e duhur t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs shqipe, diku ende ka arsyetime t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb zvarritur p\u00ebrmbushjen e obligimit ligjor dhe kushtetues, por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb e nisur e cila nuk ka t\u00eb ndalur.<\/p>\n
3.\tAi far\u00eb 20-p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi!<\/p>\n
Me gjith\u00eb avancimin n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e shqipes si gjuh\u00eb e dyt\u00eb zyrtare faktike, n\u00eb statusin e saj mungon \u201cemri\u201d. Ajo, sikund\u00ebr edhe gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt arrit\u00ebn fal\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit, \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur me kategorin\u00eb e 20-p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshit. Ky kategorizim ka n\u00eb vete dy-tri mang\u00ebsi thelb\u00ebsore. E para, sado q\u00eb t\u00eb avancohen t\u00eb drejtat, shqiptar\u00ebt mbeten anonim\u00eb n\u00eb kushtetut\u00eb, gjuha e tyre mbetet anonime dhe kjo nuk e b\u00ebn k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb plot\u00eb. Ndaj gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe jan\u00eb hapur me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb debate p\u00ebr nevoj\u00ebn e \u201ckthimit\u201d t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve si kategori kushtetuese. Sigurisht, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur jan\u00eb zhvilluar bisedimet n\u00eb Oh\u00ebr nj\u00eb nga motivet kryesore pse \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb kushti i 20-p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshit ka qen\u00eb q\u00eb duke ua plot\u00ebsuar k\u00ebrkesat shqiptar\u00ebve, t\u00eb pengohet q\u00eb mos t\u00eb trajtohen nj\u00ebsoj bashk\u00ebsit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla etnike. Por, p\u00ebr vet\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mang\u00ebsi e madhe, sepse shqiptar\u00ebt ishin kategori kushtetuese edhe gjat\u00eb regjimit komunist.
\n\u00c7\u00ebshtja tjet\u00ebr problematike \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kapitull vazhdimisht i hapur manipulimi lidhur me p\u00ebrqindje, sepse qarqe nacionaliste kan\u00eb lansuar tezat e pad\u00ebshmuara se shqiptar\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb 20 p\u00ebr qind dhe, me k\u00ebt\u00eb, duhet t\u2019i humbin t\u00eb drejtat! P\u00ebr k\u00ebto qarqe, q\u00eb u besojn\u00eb sajesave t\u00eb veta propaganduese, regjistrimi i vitit 2002, q\u00eb i nxjerr shqiptar\u00ebt 25 p\u00ebr qind \u00ebsht\u00eb i manipuluar, sepse \u201cu jan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb shtet\u00ebsi 150 mij\u00eb kosovar\u00ebve\u201d! Nj\u00eb tez\u00eb bajate q\u00eb nga fillimi i pluralizmit q\u00eb po modifikohet sipas nevojave ditore.
\nKjo fushat\u00eb kontestimi ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb ndonj\u00eb politikan maqedonas (Zoran Zaev) t\u00eb deklaroj\u00eb se pavar\u00ebsisht se si do t\u00eb jet\u00eb numri i shqiptar\u00ebve, nuk ka kthim prapa n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb humbjes s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb arritura. Ose, po p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje, lideri i VMRO-s\u00eb, Hristijan Mickovski, n\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb ka shprehur fleksibilitet edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb madh (t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn deklarativ) se mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen edhe ndryshime kushtetuese ku t\u00eb hiqet kategoria e 20-p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshit dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden shqiptar\u00ebt ose gjuha e tyre me em\u00ebr. Por, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb garanci se kur t\u00eb vij\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet edhe do ta b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb.
\nKuptohet se deri te nj\u00eb kthes\u00eb radikale p\u00ebr t\u00eb hequr t\u00eb drejtat \u00ebsht\u00eb pothuajse i pamundur, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e sh\u00ebndetshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjidhje si kjo, e cila do t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb gjall\u00eb tendencat p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se shqiptar\u00ebt jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak se 20 p\u00ebr qind dhe t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb f\u00ebrkime t\u00eb vazhdueshme dhe, madje, tendenca q\u00eb kjo dhe t\u00eb d\u00ebshmohet. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, edhe ky regjistrimi i vonuar (pas 20 vjet\u00ebsh, sepse ai para dhjet\u00eb vitesh qe nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb), i l\u00eb hapur manipulimet dhe mosbesimin edhe sikur regjistrimi t\u00eb b\u00ebhej n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ideale.<\/p>\n
4.\tPajtimi dhe kohezioni\u2026<\/p>\n
Marr\u00ebveshja e Ohrit, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha p\u00ebrjetimeve apo interpretimeve, arriti nj\u00eb pajtim nd\u00ebretnik, edhe pse jo i vullnetsh\u00ebm nga t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt, sepse kur ke konflikt si ai i vitit 2001, \u00e7do kompromis \u00ebsht\u00eb mosrealizim i q\u00ebllimeve! Ajo e ndali konfliktin t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzohet si n\u00eb rastin e Bosnj\u00ebs, vendosi disa raporte t\u00eb reja n\u00eb funksionimin e shtetit dhe shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, zgjidhi disa probleme q\u00eb ishin burim konfliktesh politike q\u00eb nga miratimi i Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 1991 e deri n\u00eb vitin 2001.
\nMosp\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimi i konfliktit krijoi mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebrballuese t\u00eb pajtimit, e q\u00eb hapi i par\u00eb madje u b\u00eb nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb pas, kur shum\u00eb komandant\u00eb t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb, me kryekomandantin e tyre, u gjet\u00ebn n\u00eb parlament dhe n\u00eb qeveri. Sado q\u00eb kjo ka qen\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb shok p\u00ebr publikun e Maqedonis\u00eb, ishte nj\u00eb barrier\u00eb q\u00eb u kap\u00ebrcye dhe tashm\u00eb askush nuk e p\u00ebrdor si tem\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe hapa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb p\u00ebr tejkalime barrierash psikologjike: ministra t\u00eb BDI-s\u00eb u kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nderime viktimave t\u00eb nj\u00ebsive mbrojt\u00ebse t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb (Fatmir Besimi n\u00eb Karpall\u00ebk\u2026), nj\u00eb ish-komandant, si Stojan\u00e7o Angellov, me ish-armikun e vet, Abedin Zimberin, u kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nderime viktimave t\u00eb t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebve ose vizita e fundit e z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministrit t\u00eb par\u00eb, Artan Grubi, nj\u00ebsitit special t\u00eb \u201ctigrave\u201d\u2026
\nK\u00ebto jan\u00eb ato barriera psikologjike q\u00eb jan\u00eb tejkaluar dhe tashm\u00eb po krijohen raporte normale pa ngarkesat e m\u00ebparshme. Mbyllja e problemeve arsimore (sot shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb dy universitete shtet\u00ebrore dhe nj\u00eb privat), avancimi i gjuh\u00ebs n\u00eb sektorin publik n\u00eb mbar\u00eb territorin, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi m\u00eb i lart\u00eb n\u00eb administrat\u00eb, edhe pse jo n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb ideale, kan\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb i parakrahasuesh\u00ebm me at\u00eb t\u00eb para vitit 2001.<\/p>\n
(Botuar n\u00eb revist\u00ebn “Shenja”, gusht 2021, me rastin e 20-vjetorit t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
-D\u00ebshp\u00ebrimi i Lub\u00e7o Georgievskit dhe ngaz\u00ebllimi i Arb\u00ebr Xhaferit, para 20 vjet\u00ebsh, jan\u00eb dy k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime me ngjyrime etnike ndaj Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit, q\u00eb do t\u00eb<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[52,44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-14105","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-dossier","category-maqedoni"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/indeks.bilten.mk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14105","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/indeks.bilten.mk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/indeks.bilten.mk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/indeks.bilten.mk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/14"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/indeks.bilten.mk\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=14105"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/indeks.bilten.mk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14105\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/indeks.bilten.mk\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=14105"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/indeks.bilten.mk\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=14105"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/indeks.bilten.mk\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=14105"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}